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News

CHP rings in the New Year with holiday enforcement period

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Written by: Lake County News reports
Published: 30 December 2025

LAKE COUNTY, Calif. — The California Highway Patrol is ringing in 2026 by launching a New Year’s Holiday Enforcement Period, or HEP.

The CHP will boost patrols statewide from 6 p.m. Wednesday, Dec. 31, to 11:59 p.m. Thursday, Jan. 1.

While New Year's is a time for celebration, the CHP encourages drivers to follow traffic laws, slow down and always drive sober. 

Officers are prepared to stop reckless and impaired driving, which is one of the top preventable causes of crashes. 

During last year’s New Year's HEP, the CHP reported 10 fatal crashes and 481 arrests statewide for driving under the influence.

“We’re entering a new year, but our message stays the same. Driving under the influence increases the risks on our roads, raises the chance of a crash, and puts lives in danger. We encourage everyone to do their part in keeping our roads safe by making responsible choices behind the wheel,” said CHP Commissioner Sean Duryee.

Driving while under the influence, whether from alcohol, drugs, or both, impairs judgment, decreases visibility and slows reaction times — key skills needed to drive safely. 

During the recent Christmas HEP, which ran from 6 p.m. Wednesday, Dec. 24, through 11:59 p.m. on Thursday, Dec. 25, CHP officers made 297 DUI arrests.

Before counting down to the new year, the CHP reminds everyone to plan ahead: designate a sober driver, use a ride-share service or public transportation and report drunk drivers by calling 9-1-1. Let’s start the new year safely.

City of Lakeport welcomes applicants for Lakeport FIre District Board of Directors

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Written by: Lake County News reports
Published: 30 December 2025

LAKEPORT, Calif. — The Lakeport City Council invites interested residents to submit an application for appointment to serve on the Lakeport Fire Protection District Board of Directors.

This recruitment is open to any resident of the fire district.  

Applications will be accepted until Jan. 26, 2026 at 5 p.m.  

The Lakeport Fire District is governed by the Lakeport Fire District Board of Directors, which is composed of five citizens that live within the district. This includes two board members appointed by the Lakeport City Council on the basis of interest and qualifications. 

This recruitment is to fill a mid-term vacancy due to the resignation of the incumbent. The term of office for this appointment expires Dec. 31, 2026.

The Fire District Board of Directors meet at 5:30 p.m. on the second Tuesday of each month at the Main Street Station.

Membership on this board is voluntary. If you are interested in serving on the board, applications are available on the city’s website here.

For additional information, contact Deputy City Clerk Hilary Britton at 707-263-5615, Extension 102, or by e-mail at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.. 

How your electric bill may be paying for big data centers’ energy use

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Written by: Ari Peskoe, Harvard University and Eliza Martin, Harvard University
Published: 30 December 2025

Your power bill may be hiding something. photoschmidt/iStock/Getty Images Plus

In the race to develop artificial intelligence, large technology companies such as Google and Meta are trying to secure massive amounts of electricity to power new data centers. Electric utilities see the prospect of earning large profits by providing electricity to these power-hungry facilities and are competing for their business by offering discounts not available to average consumers.

In our paper Extracting Profits from the Public, we explain how utilities are forcing regular ratepayers to pay for the discounts enjoyed by some of the nation’s largest companies and identify ways policymakers can limit the costs to the public.

Shifting costs

In much of the U.S., utilities are monopolists. Within their service territories, they are the only companies allowed to deliver electricity to consumers. To fund their operations, utilities split the costs of maintaining and expanding their systems among all ratepayers – homeowners, businesses, warehouses, factories and anyone else who uses electricity.

Historically, a utility expanded its system to meet growing demand for electricity from new factories, businesses and homes. To pay for its expansion − new power plants, new transmission lines and other equipment − the utility would propose to raise electricity rates by different amounts for various types of consumers.

Public utility commissions are state agencies charged with ensuring that the public gets a fair deal. These commissions monitor how much money the utility spends to provide electric service and how its costs are shared among various types of ratepayers, including residential, commercial and industrial consumers. Ultimately, the public utility commission is supposed to approve any rate increases based on its assessment of what’s fair to consumers.

Splitting the utility’s costs among all consumers made perfect sense when population growth and economic development across the economy stimulated the need for new infrastructure. But today, in many utility service territories, most of the projected growth in electricity demand is due to new data centers.

Here’s the problem for consumers: To meet data center demand, utilities are building new power plants and power lines that are needed only because of data center growth. If state regulators allow utilities to follow the standard approach of splitting the costs of new infrastructure among all consumers, the public will end up paying to supply data centers with all that power.

A drawing of various large buildings.
An artist’s rendering of a proposed Meta data center in Richland Parish, La. Meta via Facebook

A big price tag

One particularly acute example is in Louisiana. A Meta data center under development in the northeastern corner of the state is projected to use, by our calculations, twice as much energy as the city of New Orleans.

Entergy, the regional monopoly utility, is proposing to build more than US$3 billion worth of new gas-fired power plants and delivery infrastructure to meet the data center’s energy demand. Rather than billing Meta directly for these costs, Entergy is proposing to include the costs in rates paid by all customers.

Entergy claims its contract with Meta will cover some portion of the $3 billion price tag and that will mitigate any increases in consumers’ bills. But Entergy has asked state regulators to keep key terms of the contract secret, and only a redacted version of its application is available online.

The public has no idea how much it might pay if the commission approves the contract. And if the Meta data center ends up using much less power than the company anticipates, the public does not know whether it would be on the hook to pay higher electricity rates for longer periods to guarantee Entergy a profit.

A close-up of a rack of electronics.
The electronics in data centers consume large amounts of electricity. RJ Sangosti/MediaNews Group/The Denver Post via Getty Images

Secret agreements

Our research, reviewing nearly 50 public utility commission proceedings about data centers’ power needs across 10 states, uncovered dozens of secretive contracts between utilities and data centers. Unlike Louisiana, most states require utilities to submit to the public utility commission their one-off deals with data centers, but they allow utilities to conceal the pricing terms from the public.

In normal rate-review cases, numerous parties advocate for their interests in a public proceeding, including members of the public, industry groups and the utility itself. But as our paper finds, utility commission reviews of data center contracts are based on confidential utility filings that are inaccessible to the general public. Few, if any, outsiders participate, and as a result the commission often hears only the utility’s version of the deal.

Because the pricing terms are secret, it is impossible to know whether the deal that a utility is offering to a data center is too low to cover the utility’s costs of providing power to the data center, which would mean that the public is subsidizing the deal. History shows, however, that utilities have a long history of exploiting their monopolies to shift costs to the public, including through secret contracts.

A group of large metal structures holding electric wires.
Electric utilities also charge customers for the costs of building and maintaining transmission networks. Jay L. Clendenin/Getty Images

Other public costs

Our paper also explores other ways that the public pays for data center energy costs. For instance, many high-voltage interstate transmission projects, which connect large power plants to local delivery systems, are developed through regional planning processes run by numerous utilities. These alliances have complex rules for splitting the costs of new transmission lines and equipment among their utility members.

Once a utility is charged its share, it spreads the costs of new transmission projects among its local ratepayers. Because some regions are building new transmission capacity to accommodate data centers, our analysis finds that the public has been forced to pay billions of dollars for data center growth.

Data center energy costs can also be shifted when data centers connect directly to existing power plants. Under what are called “co-location” deals, the power plant stops selling energy to the wider public and just sells to the data center. With less supply in the overall market, prices go up and the public faces higher bills as a result.

Many state legislatures are noticing these problems and working to figure out how to address them. Several recent bills would set new terms and conditions for future data center deals that could help protect the public from data center energy costs.The Conversation

Ari Peskoe, Lecturer on Law, Harvard University and Eliza Martin, Legal Fellow, Environmental and Energy Law Program, Harvard University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Census: Tribally owned casinos may improve economic conditions on reservations and lower unemployment for nearby people of all races

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Written by: Travis Shoemaker
Published: 29 December 2025

American Indians on tribal lands in the United States have historically faced some of the nation’s worst economic conditions.

The proportion of American Indian people living below the poverty line in 1989 was 31%, considerably higher than the 13% national poverty rate at the time.

The expansion of tribal casinos that began in the 1990s helped improve economic conditions faster for American Indians relative to the U.S. population as a whole, according to joint U.S. Census Bureau and university research, though there is still progress to be made: the American Indian poverty rate was 19.6% in 2024, greater than that year’s national average of 12.1%, according to Census Bureau data.

A working paper, written by Maggie R. Jones (Census Bureau),  Randall Akee (Census Bureau and University of California Los Angeles) and Emilia Simeonova (Johns Hopkins University) used census data to evaluate the ZIP-code-level economic impact of tribal casinos on nearby people and places.

Casino economy

After Congress passed the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA) in 1988, the number of U.S. census tracts with an American Indian tribal casino operation surged from near zero in 1989 to nearly 600 by 2019 (Figure 1).

The research shows that tribal casino operations boost wages for American Indians and reduce unemployment for nearby people of all races employed in casino-related industries (Accommodation, Food Service and Arts and Entertainment) when compared with non-casino reservation ZIP codes in the same state.

It also indicates that direct cash transfer programs (i.e., per capita payments of casino profits) may have contributed to improved living standards, on average, for tribal citizens living on reservations.

Sovereignty and solvency

In recent years, the American Indian gaming industry generated more than $40 billion annually (Figure 2).

How do American Indian tribes “split the pot”?

Under the IGRA, tribe-owned casino revenue must support tribal economic development and welfare, including local charities and, in some cases, sharing it with state and local governments. 

This means the IGRA, by permitting casino operations, can be viewed as a “place-based” policy that targets specific geographies for economic development.

The law not only re-affirmed tribal nation’s sovereign right to form government-owned enterprises — it enabled the large-scale tribal gaming industry as it exists today.

Prior to 1988, tribal gaming was limited to small-scale bingo and card games on reservations in California and Florida. High-stakes casinos only existed in Nevada and New Jersey.

Tribal casino operations, post-IGRA, created a revenue stream almost exclusive to reservation lands in much of the United States.

The benefits of casino ownership

Economic conditions for American Indians living on reservations improved significantly as the tribal casino industry took off in the first two decades of the IGRA, according to the research.

During this time, American Indians living on reservation lands (regardless of the presence of a casino or cash transfer program) saw a 46.5% rise in real per capita income compared to 7.8% for the United States as a whole.

Casino revenues helped tribes develop their economic base through investments in infrastructure and expanded employment. Additionally, some tribal nations provided their citizens with unconditional cash transfers (from casino profits) designed to improve tribal development and welfare.

Citizens of casino-owning tribal nations received a significant cash infusion when their government adopted cash-transfer policies. Provided that the tribal nation has opted for unconditional cash transfers, all tribal citizens are eligible to receive the transfers, regardless of whether they live on a reservation.

These programs are among the earliest and longest running examples of universal basic income in the United States.

But added income wasn’t the only benefit, according to the study.  

In the first two decades after IGRA’s passage American Indians living on reservations experienced:

• About an 11% decrease in childhood poverty compared to no significant change for the country as a whole.
• A roughly 7% increase in labor force participation by American Indian women, compared to 3% for the country as a whole.
• A 4% reduction in overall unemployment compared to no significant change for the country as a whole.

To access this and other working papers, visit the Census Working Papers website. Working papers are intended to make Census Bureau research accessible and have not undergone the standard review and editorial process of other Census Bureau publications.

Travis Shoemaker is a writer/editor at the U.S. Census Bureau.

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